This Day In History

[thedrifter]

THIS DAY IN HISTORY
By Michelle Malkin · January 20, 2006 12:21 PM

Good lunch-time surfing...

John Noonan at The Officer's Club reflects on the 25th anniversary of the end of the Iran Hostage crisis:

This Day in History

25 years ago today, the Iran-Hostage Crisis ended.

After some 500 Iranian student revolutionaries stormed the American embassy in 1979, 66 American diplomats were held prisoner for a total of 444 days. For over a year, political pressure mounted on President Jimmy Carter to bring the hostages home safely. After the disasterous failed rescue attempt at Desert One, President Carter offered concessions to the Iranian government, agreeing to unfreeze 8 billion dollars worth of Tehran's assets in the United States and full immunity from any possible lawsuits in exchange for the hostages' freedom. On 20 January, 1981, minutes after President Ronald Reagan was sworn into office, the hostages were released.

25th anniversary aside, why is this watershed event in American history important? What lesson did we teach the Iranians about American resolve? And most importantly, did the weak-kneed resolution of the stand-off negatively impact our two most critical national security challenges today, a free Iraq and a non-nuclear Iranian state?

While the Iranian regime was still taking its baby-steps, we revealed to the Ayatollahs our greatest weakness: upsetting the American public is our Achilles heel. Two years later, Iranian-backed Hezbollah terrorists twice bombed US interests in Lebanon, exploiting that weakness. Again, the American public cried foul, and once again America conceded, removing the Marine presence from Beruit.

And now America's squeaky-wheel, our domestic anti-war movement, has emboldened Iran to repeat its successes of the past two and half decades. Sensing deja vu all over again, the Ayatollahs aggressively support terrorists in Iraq while recklessly pursuing nuclear weapons in Natanz and Busher. Iran's ruling elite has learned that a few dead Marines on CNN is all that it takes for the likes of Michael Moore and Code Pink to cry havoc and let slip the dogs of anti-war onto the American political scene. The self-doubt that Moore and his ilk sow in America is Tehran's 5th column, so why shouldn't the Mullahs support terrorists in Iraq if chaos there weakens American resolve to open a front in Iran?

The Iran-Hostage Crisis is the very root of the tough-spot that we are in today. We can either learn from our mistakes now, or face nuclear Ayatollahs later.

Ellie

[thedrifter]

25 Years Ago Today: Here's President Reagan's First Inaugural Address

As one who played a small part in the election and administration of President Ronald Reagan, I am proud to post this text of his First Inaugural Address. The italicized and bolded line is my favorite and in many respects best expressed President Reagan's faith in the American people.

Note: Go here to hear an audio of President Reagan's First Inaugural Address.

Thank you. Thank you.

Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

To a few of us here today this is a solemn and most momentous occasion. And, yet, in the history of our nation it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-four-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.

Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other. And I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our republic.

The business of our nation goes forward.

These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people. Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.

Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity. But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why then should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding - we're going to begin to act beginning today. The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. From time to time we've been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?

All of us together - in and out of government - must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable with no one group singled out to pay a higher price. We hear much of special interest groups. Well our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.

It knows no sectional boundaries, or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we're sick - professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truck drivers. They are, in short, "We the People." This breed called Americans.

Well, this Administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunities for all Americans with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.

All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning," and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.

With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world. So as we begin, let us take inventory.

We are a nation that has a government - not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the states or to the people.

All of us - all of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the states; the states created the Federal Government.

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it's not my intention to do away with government. It is rather to make it work - work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.

If we look to the answer as to why for so many years we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here in this land we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.

Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of Government.

It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We're not, as some would have us believe, doomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will fall on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.
So with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew our faith and our hope. We have every right to dream heroic dreams.

Those who say that we're in a time when there are no heroes - they just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.

You meet heroes across a counter - and they're on both sides of that counter. There are trepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.

There are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.

Now I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" and "your" because I'm addressing the heroes of whom I speak - you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this Administration, so help me God.

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your make-up. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen - and loving them reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they're sick, and provide opportunity to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic "Yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I've just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.

In the days ahead, I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow - measured in inches and feet, not miles - but we will progress.

It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.

On the eve or our struggle for independence a man who might've been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, president of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans:

"Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of. On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question upon which rest the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."

Well I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to insure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children, and our children's children. And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it - now or ever.

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so, we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.

Above all we must realize that no arsenal or no weapon in the arsenals of the world is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.

I am - I'm told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day; and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each inaugural day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.

Politics
Ronald Reagan

[thedrifter]

Human Events ^ | January.20,2006 | Frank Donatelli

10. Ronald Reagan's conservative philosophy was formed from practical experience.

His guiding political philosophy was the product of his life experiences. He was the only president to pay income tax at the 91% rate, which was the top income tax rate in the early 1950s. He complained that it created disincentives for work and savings. Second, as president of the Screen Actors' Guild, he came face to face with Communist penetration of his industry and became a lifelong opponent of Marxism. When asked by aide Richard Allen how he would characterize his hopes for future relations with the Soviet Union, he shot back, "How about this? We win; they lose." Third, as spokesman for GE and GE Theater, he traveled the country meeting with workers and management and learning first hand about the inefficiencies of Big Government. As the Wall Street Journal noted in an editorial the week of his funeral, "Mr. Reagan was the most consequential president since FDR because of his ideas."

9. Ronald Reagan had two full careers prior to entering elective politics which, I believe, contributed to his comfortable manner and easygoing personality.

As he once noted about his less than round the clock office hours, "They say that hard work never hurt anyone, but I say why take the chance?" He already had successful careers in radio, the movies and TV and did not enter elective politics until the age of 55. He was one of a few presidents of the 20th century who had a significant professional life before entering politics. The others would include General Dwight Eisenhower and Professor Woodrow Wilson. Reagan never considered himself a professional politician. He did not run for president to be somebody, but rather to "do things." He had nothing to prove to anyone.

8. Ronald Reagan was very well prepared to assume the presidency in 1980.

Inaugurated at the age of 69, his work experiences and intellectual preparation were far more varied than most of his predecessors. From the movies he learned to interact with the public and to deal with the demands of fame and stardom. As president of the Screen Actors Guild, he learned how to represent his diverse membership and deal with sometimes autocratic studio heads. His travels with GE gave him time to reflect and think about the great issues of the day. Over the course of several decades, he wrote thousands of issue oriented letters to family and friends and then wrote his own scripts when he hosted his radio program in the mid 1970s. Finally, he served two terms as governor of the largest state in the Union opposite an often hostile legislature. Far from being a neophyte, he had more practical training and intellectual grounding than most new presidents entering office.

7. Reagan's philosophy had a much greater strain of idealism than most presidents, certainly more than so called conservative presidents.

Far from being a hard boiled realist, he dared to see far more optimistic outcomes for his policies in the course of events. For instance, he believed strongly in freedom and the goodness of the individual which fueled his naturally optimistic nature. He focused his 1976 campaign against an incumbent Republican president on the president's refusal to meet with the Soviet dissident, Alexandr Solzhenitsyn for fear of offending the Soviet Union. His belief in freedom as a universal imperative led him to implement a foreign policy that could not have been more distinct from détente, the then prevailing philosophy. President George W. Bush has borrowed generously from Reagan's views in this regard. Finally, he was fond of quoting the radical colonial leader Thomas Paine, "We have it within our power to begin the world all over again," hardly a conservative sentiment.

6. Reagan broke the "Vietnam Syndrome" of American self doubt, not only by rebuilding U.S. military power, but also by rediscovering and proclaiming American exceptionalism.

He believed Americans are a moral and decent people and that America is a country which supports freedom and democracy abroad. This view was in sharp contrast to the leftist critique, endorsed by John Kerry among others, of the 1960s and 1970s which held that America was a racist, immoral and imperial power. With America's moral authority restored, he acted on those beliefs with the liberation of Grenada, the bombing of Libya, and the funding of the anti Communist Freedom Fighters in Central America. These were the first substantive American military actions since Vietnam and marked a turning point when America finally began to strike back at its enemies.

George Will has written that "One of the unfortunate intellectual developments of the 19th century, principally in Europe, was the transformation of history into a proper noun. It denoted a vast impersonal force with its own unfolding logic, governed by iron laws of social development…Such theories…mock the idea of great persons, and the belief that the free choices of small groups could knock History out of its preordained grooves."

Ronald Reagan led one such "small group" that knocked Marxism from its "preordained groove" of world domination. In that belief, he is the quintessential American statesmen.

5. Reagan was an original thinker who thought "outside the box" on numerous policy issues.

In most of his major actions as president -- tax cuts, putting Pershing missiles in Europe, liberating Grenada, pursuing strategic defense, rebuilding American military power -- Reagan pursued policies distinctly different from what elite opinion or conventional wisdom would have dictated. He was also resolute in pursing those policies in the face of unrelenting opposition. As the New York Times remarked in early 1983, "The stench of failure hangs over the Reagan White House." Reagan stuck to his guns and was vindicated in the end more often than not.

4. Reagan totally remade the Republican Party in his own image.

Before Reagan, the Republican Party was interested more in the size of the deficit rather than the size of government, in détente more than in freedom and a party hostile to social conservatism. Reagan remade the GOP into the party of tax cuts and smaller government, as proponents of a winning strategy to confront and defeat Communism, and as the party that defends the sanctity of life, especially the unborn. Before his inauguration, Republicans faced a deficit in party identification of 15 to 20 per cent. By the end of his term, the GOP was nearly at parity with the Democrats. In Reagan's time, there were no blue states and red states, but 44 and then 49 states as well as Democrats and Independents saw the wisdom in what Reagan was preaching.

3. Reagan put aside a lifetime of hostility to the Soviet Union to deal with a man, Mikail Gorbachev, he believed he could work with.

That flexibility, when paired with new U.S. military strength and strong presidential support for anti Communist freedom fighters, resulted in the beginning of the end for Communism as first the Berlin Wall and then the Soviet Union itself came apart. As former President Bill Clinton once told Reagan, "Too many people in my party are too willing to make a deal with the Soviets. Too many people in your party are never willing to deal with the Soviets. I think you have it just about right."(Reagan stories about old Soviet Union)

2. Reagan always saw himself as a soldier in a larger cause.

He spoke frequently in the plural as he did in his farewell address when he noted: "We did it. We made a difference. We are stronger as a result of our actions." He was happy to turn the presidency over to George Bush. In his last Cabinet meeting the day before he left office, he noted the focus on the president elect rather than himself and calmly remarked, "It's fine. The country is in good hands." Despite two terms as governor of California and as president of the United States, he never considered himself a professional politician, but rather as a citizen who temporarily occupied the office of the presidency and who did the best he could.

1. Like all great presidents, he leaves a legacy that can be easily summarized: He revitalized the economy, won the Cold War, and made Americans feel confident again.

Not bad. Not bad at all.

[greensideout]

I miss Ronald Reagan! In my view he was the last real leader that this country has had. At this time in history America begs for another great leader to guide her. As I look around I find little hope with those that I see that would like to step into his boots and lead the way.

Semper Fi

[junker316]

I miss Ronald Reagan! In my view he was the last real leader that this country has had. At this time in history America begs for another great leader to guide her. As I look around I find little hope with those that I see that would like to step into his boots and lead the way.

Semper Fi

I couldn't agree more Greensideout

[thedrifter]

Reagan's Legacy Will Stand Test of Time

by Frank Donatelli
Posted Jan 20, 2006

I have distinct recollections of that historic day January 20, 1981.

First was the setting. I recall that it was a cold, crisp, though not frigid day, certainly nothing like the snowstorm that paralyzed the city during JFK’s inauguration or the frigid conditions just four years later that required Reagan’s second inaugural to be moved indoors. This inaugural was the first to be held on the West side of the Capitol facing out over the entire mall -- a symbol of the rise of the Western US that was Reagan’s electoral base and of the Western Pacific Region and the Asian countries beyond which would be of growing importance to the United States.

Second was the drama surrounding the release of the American hostages in Iran, who had by then been held in captivity for over one year. Indeed, at precisely the time Reagan was taking the oath of office, the hostages’ plane had cleared Iranian air space and were finally on their way home, yet another symbol that a new era had indeed dawned.

Finally, there was Reagan’s speech that we just heard, shorter than most such speeches, but crystal clear in its message, just like the campaign that preceded it. It aimed to summarize the main tenets of the new administration, namely that freedom was the best vehicle for improving the lives of ordinary Americans, that in economic matters government was part of the problem, not the solution and that major reductions of the federal government were necessary, that America was a force for good in the world and would actively resist those who would destroy us, and finally that America would engage its opponents economically, militarily, diplomatically, and most importantly, philosophically and rhetorically. The war of ideas was officially on.

It was quite a first day. Reagan’s view of any undertaking was instructive: start strong, complete your task, and leave them wanting more at the end. This was really the structure of his eight year presidency.

Let me make some remarks about Reagan’s political legacy. It is true that despite a lifetime in union politics, California state politics, and national politics, Reagan never considered himself a professional politician. Rather he saw himself as a soldier in a great army, dedicated not to military conquest, but to the belief in the triumph of ideas. That the public never doubted this was part of his political genius. And it is truly remarkable that twenty five years after his first inauguration, Ronald Reagan’s ideas continue to dominate his Republican Party and resonate with the American people at large.

On paper, Reagan’s campaigns were not models of efficiency. His campaign coffers were empty as often as not and he was never the first choice of corporate America. In his losing 1976 effort, for instance, he raised a grand total of $11 million, and that includes the federal matching funds. But Reagan demonstrated that even the best campaign techniques can take you only so far.

Reagan was so much greater than his campaigns. Vince Lombardi, the great coach of the Green Bay Packers, once noted that "Football is nothing more than blocking and tackling." In his autobiography, Reagan explained his approach this way, "In politics, gather them together, tell them what you're going to do, and hope they buy it." Technology and brilliant political maneuvers took a back seat to such plain talk.

Reagan had a knack for saving his best for key moments in his political life. To use another sports analogy, "Great teams aren't always great. They’re just great when they have to be." Reagan was great when he had to be. This was the case in 1976 when after losing five consecutive primaries, he went on national television and made a speech that won the North Carolina primary, turned that race around and brought him within a Clarke Reed endorsement of winning the nomination that year. It was also the case in February 1980 when trailing in New Hampshire, an obviously angry Reagan lectured his host for the evening, "I am paying for this microphone, Mr Green" or when later that year in Illinois, a chargined Reagan sadly asked John Anderson, "John, would you really prefer Teddy Kennedy to me?" And of course there are his most famous political moments. To Jimmy Carter in 1980: "There you go again." And to Walter Mondale four years later, "I will not exploit for partisan advantage my opponent's youth and inexperience." As the Billy Joel song says, "He was quick with the joke."

But how do we explain Reagan's extraordinary political success and longevity? Let me give you several factors that made him a compelling political presence. First was his obvious sincerity and strongly held beliefs. Unlike most great orators, he never had to raise his voice to make a key point. He came across as believable precisely because he had ideas that were deeply held and people sensed that. They gave him credit for his beliefs even if they disagreed with him. More politicians should understand that strong principles more often than not trump "triangulation."

Second was his legendary sense of humor. He had the ability to put small groups or large audiences at ease with a story or joke. And the delivery was as good as the punch line. More often than not, his sharp tongue was directed at himself. Self deprecation is a trait that more politicians should learn. Whether making fun of his age or his work habits, Reagan demonstrated he was the genuine article, that he was very comfortable with who he was and that he was in politics not to be somebody, but to do things for the country.

Third was his sense of optimism that allowed him to present tough policy choices with a pleasing mixture of kindness and self deprecation. He always sought to unite Americans around positive ideas, not divide Americans. His rhetoric could be tough but was seldom angry. In his address to the Republican convention in 1992, for instance, he said, "I hope when I am gone you will remember that I appealed to your best hopes, not your worst instincts." As such, he was able to appeal for votes far beyond traditional Republicans. For Reagan, there were not red or blue states. In two presidential elections, he won 44 and 49 states respectively.

Finally, we must discuss Reagan’s ability to persuade his fellow Americans to support his judgment on key issues. This skill has a more popular name -- it is called LEADERSHIP. Leadership is a word tossed around frequently. Reagan had the ability to persuade people to accept his course of action even when they had doubts. Critics of Reagan complained that his personal popularity was always greater than support for his individual policies. They attributed this to his communication skills, which admittedly were considerable. The better answer, though, is leadership. People trusted Reagan and in spite of misgivings, were willing to support his ideas and actions at the most key times. Reagan ranks right there with Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt for memorable speeches and appeals for public support during key moments of his presidency.

The political result was that Reagan remade the GOP in his own image. Before Reagan, the Republican Party was interested more in the size of the deficit rather than the size of government, in détente more than in freedom, and in ducking social issues so important to many blue collar Democrats. Reagan remade the GOP into the party of tax cuts and smaller government, as proponents of a winning strategy to confront and defeat Communism, and as the party that defends the sanctity of life. A whole voting group called "Reagan Democrats" was born. Their ranks included many former Democrats and independents, especially blue collar voters of Southern and Eastern European heritage, Catholics, Southerners and young people, and they helped the GOP to achieve near parity in Party ID with Democrats. The Reagan coalition endures a quarter century after his first election as president. The alliance of free market conservatives, traditional values family advocates, and Americans who support a more muscular foreign policy continues to constitute a governing majority in the United States. In that sense, it has eclipsed in longevity even the New Deal coalition and remains a roadmap for conservative politicians to fashion electoral majorities.

Historical reputations rise and fall. Ronald Reagan’s reputation has had its ups and downs since he retired from the political scene. But we can be confident that no matter who wins the next election or what the public mood might be at any given time, Ronald Reagan’s place in history is secure. His accomplishments will stand the test of time and his presidency is a lasting testament to the twin eternal truths that one man can make a difference and that ideas indeed have consequences.