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thedrifter
12-12-07, 10:29 AM
American Patriots Must Speak Up on Kosovo

By Julia Gorin
FrontPageMagazine.com | 12/12/2007

“What’s your connection to…this…Serbian thing?”


I get that a lot. I usually answer: “Just being an American hyper-patriot.”


That was, after all, my original motivation for protesting a war for the first time in my life at the age of 25. When my country bombed a European nation on behalf of Muslims making the usual claim of oppression, my concerns were two-fold: America’s security, and America’s soul.


It’s hard to describe the dizzying disorientation I felt on March 24, 1999, the day I learned that the United States was going through with bombing an ally from two world wars. It was more surreal than September 11, 2001, for on the latter date I wasn’t alone in my disorientation. But the fog that engulfed me for several weeks starting March 24th, 1999 as I observed people complacently sipping cappuccinos in outdoor cafes as if nothing was happening was overwhelming; I knew America had turned a dark corner and would pay a price.


Three phenomena at the time confirmed my instinctive suspiciousness about this so-called war: 1. The treacherous and otherwise anti-war Left loved it. 2. Congressional Republicans voted against the war by more than nine to one. 3. Bill Clinton was president, and foreign policy had never been his priority.


We’ve heard much from the Left since the start of the Iraq War in the way of “True patriots criticize their country.” They’re not wrong. But if ever there was a war that begged for scrutiny and dissent, it was Kosovo. Yet the dissent wasn’t there. The voices of all the supposed conscientious objectors never kicked in during a war that ran directly counter to the national interest. Indeed, a war that threatened American security was their must-do war. This told me that what these people are, are not dissenting patriots but dissenting partisans.


This criticism of U.S. policy in Kosovo comes from America’s most reluctant critic. My cartoonish patriotism forms the backbone of my stand-up comedy act and was the premise of a column I had on FoxNews.com, titled by my editor “The Smugly American.” But the Kosovo War, and the unchanging policy that supports it even post-9/11, made me a less smug American.


Unlike most America critics, who blame the U.S. with glee, it is only with great pain that I write against American policy in Kosovo, which is a continuation of a war that never ended and in which we’re about to deal ourselves the death blow this year as we hand victory to our jihad-friendly allies and call the victory our own. “No American casualties,” goes the ubiquitous Kosovo-War boast. That’s because its American casualties first appeared only two years later, with the Balkans serving as logistical support for attacks including 9/11, Madrid, London and Netanya. This year we got a glimpse of the toll that this war of self-sabotage will yet take--when four Albanians were discovered plotting to kill U.S. soldiers at Ft. Dix.


By shining a light on our Kosovo mischief, I am merely doing my duty as an American. But there are Americans who have a greater responsibility than I to save the U.S. from this bipartisan treachery, Americans who should be most on the case at this eleventh hour: Serbian-Americans. For those are the Americans who know better than any others the nature of the beast that we’re dealing with in the Balkans and what our actions there will result in. Serbs are the ones who are most intimately and brutally acquainted with the Balkan players, and it is their responsibility to inform their fellow Americans and influence civilians, soldiers, policymakers and media away from our suicidal policies in their homelands.


I understand the reasons that Serbs shy away from this duty. They want finally to be liked, and more than anything else to fit in; indeed, the modern Serb rejects his Serbhood. As well, a Serb knows he will instantly be painted with the “Oh, but this is coming from a Serb; of course you’d say that” brush. Notice this is never a consideration or stumbling block for the Serbs’ enemies, as the Albanians, Croatians and Bosnians guide the U.S. toward self-defeating policies on their behalf.


When faced with the “Serb propaganda” slur, a Serb should counter with, “Why is Muslim propaganda preferable?” Especially since Serb “propaganda” has been repeatedly consistent with our own intelligence.


Look what we know today about “Serb propaganda.” In addition to the reality of the Islamic threat in the Balkans which the Yugoslavian government had been warning about since the 70s and which the world dismissed, the concept of a “Greater Albania” was likewise laughed off as an archaic and dead idea kept alive only by Serb propagandists. Yet today Greater Albania is being implemented before our very eyes as the Albanians of Serbia’s Presevo Valley now call for inclusion with an independent Kosovo, and Kosovo Albanians are destabilizing Macedonia and Montenegro—and Greece.


Like the Jews--specifically the Israelis--the Serbs in the 1990s were busy fending off the murderous enemies they live among, and assumed the world’s ability to see up from down, black from white, truth from lie, and didn’t realize they were supposed to be fighting a simultaneous image war. (The Albanians, Bosnians and Nazi-nostalgist Croatians had hired PR firms early on, to ensure the world would see the Balkan conflicts their way.) The Serbs only belatedly thought of buying clout in America’s halls of power where the Albanians, Croatians and Bosnians had been buying influence and otherwise doing their damage for decades. One thing the Jews did do, however, is promote the sympathetic side of their struggle so they would get their deserved slice of human sympathy. The Serbs haven’t done that, and so no one even attempts to hide that universal, unchecked, seething contempt for everything Serbian. Every aspersion and rumor against Serbs is assumed as fact without it ever being called discrimination.


The question that plagues Israelis and Serbs alike is How do you go from being right--to winning? But look at recent developments. The situation has gone from Kosovo independence being “inevitable”, to the process being at a standstill, with a unilateral declaration of independence by Albanians the only “option”—an illegitimate, dangerous precedent-setting one that half of Europe is against. The situation has also gone from Kosovo machinations happening in the dark to the whole world talking about Kosovo.


But it’s not enough, and saving Europe, and ultimately America--via Kosovo--requires everyday Serbs, particularly American Serbs, to take part in this battle. You must speak up in your capacities as citizens, contacting your representatives, writing letters and donating to the cause, which your enemies do all too well. Wherever you encounter articles about the “genocidal Serbs” or about Albanian or Bosnian purity as victims—particularly the abundant articles that pander to the sizeable Bosnian and Albanian communities within the U.S.--you must write letters to the editor. You must explain that the reality isn’t so black and white and that the newspaper isn’t doing its American readers any favors by protecting them from the truth about their “refugee” neighbors.


In recent years, Jewish Americans have become much more effectively mobilized in supporting Israel, through organization, fundraising, anti-defamation work, cooperative action with the Israeli state, effective PR and myth-debunking via HonestReporting.com. Why should the good be less entitled to propaganda than the bad? America herself learned this lesson only recently, and started a PR war of her own.


Like the Jews in the Middle East, Serbs are the only ones who have anything to be proud of in the Balkans. When deciding whether to bomb the Serbs in the 1990s, the Western world should have recognized itself in the Serbs, for Serbs are plagued by the same thing that plagues the enlightened Western world: self-loathing. It must end here.

thedrifter
12-13-07, 09:10 AM
December 13, 2007
Be Wise on Kosovo
By Walid Phares

Over the past few months a number of Western leaders, including senior United States figures, have lent their support to separating the province of Kosovo from the Republic of Serbia, based on the fact that a majority of the inhabitants in the province, ethnic Albanians, wishes this to be done.

The U.S Secretary of State and European top diplomats have been working on the assumption that the ultimate outcome of the crisis should be to see another new Republic emerging in the Balkans from the rubble of former Yugoslavia. Their participation in the UN-sponsored negotiations, along with Serbia, Kosovo, Albania and Russia, has been heading toward the endpoint of breaking one nation state's territory into two states, ignoring the historical context, consequences, and important principles, with far-reaching unpleasant consequences when these principles serve as precedents elsewhere.

Underlying all of this is a not-so-hidden agenda: an anticipated so-called diplomatic dividend for pleasing the Muslim world. A prominent US legislator declared over the summer that granting Kosovo its independence would please the Muslim world and would show that America is not anti-Islamic. The Kosovo affair has this assumed extra importance in this precarious post 9/11 era, as a token. But it risks kindling a chain reaction of explosive crises around the world.

As a potential unilateral declaration of separation by the local government of Kosovo province may take place, it is imperative that Washington and Brussels be wise on Kosovo, and carefully think through the implications.

Basic Principles

The right of self determination for peoples considering themselves as distinct national groups is and always should be recognized. No higher right can be substituted for the will of the ethnic or national community wishing to fulfill its destiny. World history has taught us endless lessons about the consequences of obstructing the desire of peoples for free expression and choosing their way of life. However two necessary conditions must be fulfilled to guarantee this inalienable right:

1) not to cause injustice to others; and

2) not to abuse this right for the sake of totalitarian ideologies.

Two stories

The Ethnic Albanian separatists claim that as a "distinct" national community, they form a numeric majority in one of Serbia's provinces, and thus they have the right to separate and create a new state.

The Serbian Government responds that this province is a geographical entity that is part of the national territory of the Serbian people. It argues that the ethnic Albanians have migrated into the territory and concentrated their settlement so that inside the province they now form a majority.

So far this is a classical case of ethnic conflict over land, although it presents its own special characteristics. Unlike many regimes in the Middle East which deny the cultural difference of their minorities, Serbia doesn't argue with the fact that Kosovo's Albanians are distinct from the Serbian cultural identity. The crisis is rather about the right of this minority (within Serbia as a whole) to separate on the ground that in one province of that state (Kosovo), it constitute a majority. Here is the heart of the matter, but unfortunately this classical ethno-crisis was transformed into a conflict affecting justice to others and has been manipulated by international radical ideologies.

Unequal treatment

The first striking injustice in treatment is clearly seen inside what was formerly the Yugoslav Federation. The bloody wars of the 1990s ended with geopolitical realities that affect the question of Kosovo today. While the independence of Slovenia from the Yugoslav Federation, following the brief Ten Day War, went somewhat smoothly for lack of a "minority question," the separation of Croatia and Bosnia caused bloody wars, massacres and ethnic cleansing.

The international community, led by the US and Western Europe, immediately recognized the right of separation for the two breakaway Republics, but at the same time opposed the same right for self-determination for the Serbian national minorities within these two newly recognized countries. The following question has never been answered:

Why can Croats and Muslims separate from Yugoslavia while Serbs cannot implement that same right toward Croatia and Bosnia?

Each side will say their cause is more legitimate than the others but this doesn't supply any solutions.

The end result was that with the help of the West in 1995, both Republics separated and formed new states and were accepted in the United Nations. The Serbs inside Bosnia, forming about 31 percent of the country, were denied a state of their own.

In 1999, ethnic Albanians, who are 14 percent of Serbia (but a majority in Kosovo Province), called for forming a state of their own. Strangely the United States and Western Europe rushed to accept statehood for a group (Albanians) accounting for 14% of a country (Serbia) but rejected the same treatment for another group (Serbs) which accounts for 31% of another country (Muslim Bosnia).

The ethnic Albanians are indeed a numeric majority in the province they claim, but so are the Serbs in the Province/Republic they've claimed in Bosnia. Hence according to the fundamental principle of equal treatment, if the Albanians of Kosovo are to be granted self determination, the Serbs of Bosnia should be granted the same right. Such an equation would be fair and would open a path for global reconciliation in the Balkans.

Equal Protection of Minorities

In addition to equal treatment for Serbs and non-Serbs, minorities on both sides should be protected under international law. The non-Serbs in the "Republika-Serpska" should be granted their fundamental rights and the same principle should be applied to the Serbs inside Kosovo. If ethnic enclaves exist and refuse to separate from their ethnic kin, they should be given the option of forming administrative areas linked to the original nation state of their choice. For if self-determination is to be applied to the separating entity, the same principle must be applied to smaller enclaves who wish to separate from the separating provinces.

In the case of Kosovo, if a global Balkans agreement is reached (including independence for the Republika-Serpska) ethnic Albanians should accept that the ethnic Serbian populations also can secede from them and choose their destiny. Furthermore all historic places with great value to all parties must be protected by international law and the UN.

A dangerous Jihadi-like agenda

With such a web of mutual recognition and guarantees to all parties, resolving the conflict should be possible. So why is it that Washington's and Brussels' policies are applied unfairly in this particular crisis? Why is it that the US seems to side automatically against one particular group regardless of their claims? In Bosnia the Serbs were denied separation from the Bosnian Muslims and in Kosovo the Serbs are being forced to accept separation of the Albanian Muslims.

The Serbs have a special problem: they are dealing with "Islamic claims", or technically "claims of Muslims". Statements made by US legislators arguing that helping in the formation of a Muslim state in Europe would send a positive message to the Muslim world and serve America's image in the War on Terror make this point Such assertions, in addition of being legally unfounded, are also dangerous.

There is no basis in modern international law for forming states to satisfy a religious bloc of states. This strange logic, instead of weakening the Jihadist view of the world, would further strengthen al Qaeda and its ilk. The United States is not the Byzantine Empire, nor is the Organization of the Islamic Conference a Caliphate, and they should not behave as if they were.

The international Salafists want the world to respond to theologically-motivated world power dynamics instead of the present set of international conventions. Washington has no right to trade favors with oil powers on the basis of satisfying ideological ambitions here and there.

If the ethnic Albanians have the right of self-determination in Kosovo, it should be granted fully under international law, not as a result of PR attempts to mollify a virtual Caliphate. These pre-9/11 attitudes can be very dangerous. Linking partitions and breakups of countries to American success in rallying Muslim diplomatic support could bring great harm elsewhere around the world.

Will the US also please the Wahhabis by forcing India to relinquish Kashmir, the Philippines to let go of Mindanao, Russia to cut Chechnya loose, Cyprus to abandon its Turkish north and last but not least, Israel to slice out half of the Galilee to its own Muslim minority?

Playing this Jihadi-inspired card would ultimately strengthen al Qaeda's lexicon of "Islamic causes" at the expense of potential legitimate causes for ethnic minorities, including those who happen to be of Muslim background. Western gaming of these crises with an Islamic dimension, including Kosovo, can only backfire and cause even more tension.

If Washington initiates a world-religious parameter on the issue of Kosovo, it will open a Pandora's Box worldwide. Other enclaves forming in Europe would demand secession within existing liberal democracies based on their majority status in many suburbs of big cities, such as the reently riot-torn Parisian banlieues. Will the US press a future French (or German, Dutch or British) heads of state to concede secessions on their own soil to please Riyadh, Khartoum or eventually Tehran?

This logic applied in Kosovo will serve as a precedent to be applied to force Sharia enclaves everywhere else in the West and beyond. The leaders of any ethnic minority, including the Kosovars themselves, should not allow their cause to be seized by the Wahabis or catered-to by Western politicians seeking accommodation with them. It is too dangerous for everyone.

Kosovo: a benchmark for a new era

On a much greater scale, the Kosovo separatist crisis opens the floodgates for rethinking the whole international process of granting full independence to minorities and ethno-national groups seeking breakups. This is not only one of the oldest problems in international politics, it is also the most abused and dangerous to peace and progress.

The principle should always remain a relentless support for self determination, a value honored by Woodrow Wilson, and later recognized by the UN Charter's Chapter One, second paragraph. There should not be a return to the times of oppression and obstruction in this early stage of the 21st century.

But selectiveness among favored and dis-favored groups would be damaging and hurtful to the principle. Indeed, why would Kosovo separation be accepted and not the Republika Serpska? In addition to the cases I mentioned earlier, think also of southern Sudan, Darfur, Algeria's Berbers, Biafra, the Sahara, southern Thailand, China's Uighur, the Maluku and Celebes islands in Indonesia, Sri Lanka's Tamils, Ahwaz Arabs in Iran, the Kurds of Turkey, Chechnya and Dagestan, and a plethora of other potential crisis. But also think of Northern Ireland, Corsica, the Basques, the Belgian linguistic conflict, the Scots in Western Europe.

On the Eastern side of the continent no country is spared: Germans in Poland, Poles in Ukraine and Russia, Russians in the Baltic countries, Moldova, Rumania's Hungarians, Bulgaria's Turks and many other ethnic labyrinths. Even in the Americas, think of Quebec, Chiapas and the multiple ideological claims over the Southwestern parts of the US.

In short, Kosovo is not the first, nor would it be the last separatist phenomenon to be addressed. But it certainly could become the beginning of a new era, where rights would be granted equally among seekers of self determination if addressed fairly, equally and smartly.

Avoid a faux pas

The United States and Western Europe must avoid a faux pas in Kosovo, that is unevenly forcing Serbia to accept a territorial loss without reshaping the entire peace process in the former Yugoslavia in a way to address the ethnic rights of all groups and in a manner to contain the rise of future Jihadism in several zones backed by Western policies. To be successful, the following are few guidelines:

1) Equate self determination for the Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo with self determination for the Serbs in Bosnia. Grant equal rights to both communities, from the farthest autonomy possible to potential independence, on the basis of negotiations and mutual referenda. If Kosovo's Albanians will reach statehood so should Bosnia's Serbs.

2) Insure internationally protected rights to non-Albanian minorities in Kosovo, including a reciprocal right of self-determination.

3) Organize a conference for the Balkans including the US, Europe, Russia and the three republics of Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia, with representation from all ethnic minorities locked in the region's crisis.

4) Reach a US-Russian understanding on the Balkans as an umbrella to secure the new regional agreements.

5) Sign a treaty between the members of the new Balkan conference, Bosnia, Serbia, Croatia and the newly autonomous territories, for an alliance against the Jihadi terrorists and deny access to these countries to Salafi and Khomeinist networks and funding.

The crisis of Kosovo is a crossroads with two directions. Either the Western alliance will acquiesce to wrong policies and end up being responsible for future ethnic violence and the spread of Jihadi forces in the region; or a new democracy alliance would become enlightened enough to find the appropriate solutions to all ethnic crisis in the former Yugoslavia on the one hand and stop the advancing Jihadi tentacles from reaching the belly of southern Europe.

Ellie